Asymmetries in the processing of French high - and low - mid vowels : [ ATR ] or

نویسندگان

  • Laura de Rooij
  • Paul Boersma
  • Silke Hamann
چکیده

An ongoing issue in phonology is how highand low-mid vowels are represented in the mental lexicon. The current study is the first to neurophsyiologically investigate whether the privative feature [ATR] or the privative feature [RTR] should be used to distinguish the French front unrounded high-mid vowel [e] and the front unrounded low-mid vowel [ɛ], that is, which feature is the dominant value in French. We use event-related brain potentials in a mismatch negativity (MMN) study, since MMN has been shown to be sensitive to languagespecific phoneme representations. It was found that a change from [ɛ] to [e] elicited bigger MMN than the reverse change, indicating that [ɛ] is represented in the lexicon as [RTR], whereas [e] is left lexically unspecified. Because the standard low-mid vowel [ɛ] generates a strong prediction regarding its tongue root feature [RTR], which is not matched by the tongue root feature of the deviant [e], stronger MMN elicited in this condition than in the reverse case. This is in line with Casali’s assumption that [RTR] is specified in languages with one series of high vowels, as is the case in French, whereas [ATR] is unspecified.

برای دانلود متن کامل این مقاله و بیش از 32 میلیون مقاله دیگر ابتدا ثبت نام کنید

ثبت نام

اگر عضو سایت هستید لطفا وارد حساب کاربری خود شوید

منابع مشابه

Assimilation, Markedness and Inventory Structure in Tongue Root Harmony Systems

This paper is concerned with the related topics of assimilatory dominance and markedness relations in tongue root harmony systems. While a range of views has existed on these topics, much work in recent years adopts the view that either [+ATR] or [-ATR] can function as the dominant value in a language, and that markedness relations are determined in conjunction with tongue body height. That is,...

متن کامل

French high-mid vowels are underspecified for height

Asymmetries in Mismatch Negativities (MMNs) have been reported as evidence for phonological underspecification in speech perception. In this study, we investigated whether predictions from Lahiri’s Featurally Underspecified Lexicon (FUL) model hold true in a language (French) and a contrast (vowel height) not investigated before, in contrast to predictions from a model with equipollent features...

متن کامل

ATR Harmony: new typological patterns and diagnostics

Phonological studies of ATR harmony have led to advances in autosegmental phonology, markedness theory, and locality. Nevertheless, many of our theoretical assumptions may have been based on misanalyzed data or non-rigorous typological assumptions. For example, detailed acoustic and/or articulatory studies have shown that transparent vowels are not always transparent (Gick et al 2006, Richart &...

متن کامل

Glide Formation in Kinande Does Not Neutralize an Underlying [ATR] Contrast

Unlike most other modern Bantu languages, Kinande has faithfully preserved the Proto-Bantu contrast between [-ATR] and [+ATR] high vowels (Hyman, 2002). As a result, while other Bantu languages typically have only two contrastive high vowels (i.e. high back and high front), Kinande has four: [-ATR] [i u] and [+ATR] i u ]. 1 These four high vowels, together with mid [e o] and low [a], are laid o...

متن کامل

Asymmetries in the processing of vowel height.

PURPOSE Speech perception can be described as the transformation of continuous acoustic information into discrete memory representations. Therefore, research on neural representations of speech sounds is particularly important for a better understanding of this transformation. Speech perception models make specific assumptions regarding the representation of mid vowels (e.g., [ε]) that are arti...

متن کامل

ذخیره در منابع من


  با ذخیره ی این منبع در منابع من، دسترسی به آن را برای استفاده های بعدی آسان تر کنید

برای دانلود متن کامل این مقاله و بیش از 32 میلیون مقاله دیگر ابتدا ثبت نام کنید

ثبت نام

اگر عضو سایت هستید لطفا وارد حساب کاربری خود شوید

عنوان ژورنال:

دوره   شماره 

صفحات  -

تاریخ انتشار 2017