On Dutch allemaal and West Ulster English all
نویسنده
چکیده
This squib compares the similar distributions of floating allemaal and all under wh-movement in Dutch and West Ulster English (WUE) (McCloskey 2000).1 The comparison leads to the conclusion that the floated quantifier is merged at the edge of “vP” in both languages. Current theoretical understanding – Binary (external and internal) Merge, universal head complement order (Kayne 1994), syntactic hierarchies, phrasal movement (overt but not covert), strict locality (sisterhood), Minimality, and some principle yielding that-t – makes it possible to deduce necessary properties of the derivations of WUE from a simple systematic comparison of the WUE orders and Dutch linear orders. The derivations provide a new understanding of the interaction of object shift and verb movement. If correct, the derivational differences between the two languages turn out to be minimal and follow from a difference in the size of phrasal pied-piping (Koopman & Szabolcsi 2000; Koster 2000).
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