Mind or Virtue Western and Chinese Beliefs About Learning

Traditional research on human learning has neglected people’s beliefs about learning, the role of culture in shaping those beliefs, and people’s consequent learning behavior. Recent research provides evidence that cultural beliefs about learning are essential in influencing individuals’ beliefs and their actual learning. This article reviews research on Western learning beliefs, which emphasize the mind, and Chinese learning beliefs, which emphasize personal virtue, as well as on the differences these beliefs produce in people’s actual learning. Developmental evidence is also presented to show that the cultural influences begin early. Future research directions are discussed. KEYWORDS—learning beliefs; cultural differences; mind; virtue When Socrates tutored the slave boy Meno about the Pythagorean theorem, he led the pupil to believe that he possessed a mind capable of discovering knowledge. The Socratic ideal still underlies Western cultural beliefs about teaching and learning. The best learner is one who develops and uses his or her mind well to inquire into the world. Chinese culture also carries a long learning tradition, one that is exemplified by the great tutor Mencius and his students. Unlike those of his Greek counterpart, Mencius’s pupils were not powerless slaves, but rather kings and dukes. When Mencius tutored them about compassion and human capacity for goodness, they, like Meno, were led to believe that they were powerless (despite, in this case, having political power) unless they sought to perfect themselves morally. This basic orientation—to become a better (more virtuous) person—is still believed, in Chinese culture, to be the most essential quality for any learner. Recent research shows that these different beliefs have profound influence on how people in these two cultures view and approach learning. LEARNING BELIEFS ARE ESSENTIAL TO HUMAN LEARNING Human learning has been approached from a great many perspectives. In research, the primary focus has been on children’s ability or readiness to learn and the process of learning, including motivation, achievement, and pedagogy. However, this research paradigm privileges the researcher’s position as one that looks at children from without. Although useful, this paradigm has paid less attention to children’s own understanding of the object of learning as that understanding has been influenced by cultural values and childrearing processes. People’s own understanding of learning, which I refer to as beliefs about learning (Li, 2003), include their beliefs regarding cognition, affect, and behavioral processes (Dweck, 1999). Such beliefs concern purposes (e.g., what people think they gain from learning), processes (e.g., what it takes to learn something), personal regard (e.g., whether or not and why they regard learning as important), affects (e.g., whether they experience joy or dread from learning), and social perceptions (e.g., perception of those who learn well vs. those who do not and their perception of teachers). These beliefs underlie people’s motivation for learning and influence children’s actual learning and achievement. Because learning beliefs are not innate but develop through the process of socialization together with individuals’ own active construction, the beliefs are profoundly influenced by cultural value systems. As the Socratic and Mencian tutoring examples illustrate, intellectual traditions across cultures may shape individuals’ beliefs differently. Recent research on thinking styles in Asians and Westerners (Nisbett, 2003) underscores the importance of cultural influence. Although less research on learning models across these cultures exists, significant advancements have been made. RESEARCH ON BELIEFS ABOUT LEARNING Recent research yields important findings in three areas: cultural beliefs about learning, their influence on individuals’ learning orientations, and development of learning beliefs. Address correspondence to Jin Li, Education Department, Box 1938, 21 Manning Walk, Brown University, Providence, RI 02912; e-mail: [email protected]. CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE 190 Volume 14—Number 4 Copyright r 2005 American Psychological Society Cultural Beliefs I (Li, 2003) began my inquiry by mapping culture-level (as opposed to individual) beliefs. I examined middle-class European American (EA) and Chinese learning beliefs as two distinct cultural models toward which children in the respective cultures are socialized. I began by collecting terms that referred to learning from college students in China and the United States. Analyses of these terms resulted in each culture’s conceptual map of learning. I then analyzed written descriptions of model learners by college students in China and in the United States (Li, 2002). The basic findings converged to comprehensive pictures of the two cultures’ respective beliefs regarding learning (including purpose, process, achievement standards, and affect). EA beliefs indicated what I (Li, 2002) termed a mind orientation, which elaborates on finely differentiated mental functions to understand the world, develop personal skills, and realize personal goals. The learner is actively engaged in a broad range of activities and experiences. Thinking assumes key importance, and inquiry guides the learner to question the known and to explore and discover the new. Communication is also essential, in understanding as well as in making others understand one’s own learning results. Personal curiosity, intrinsic enjoyment, and a disposition to challenge or question given knowledge accompany the learner throughout these processes. Learning, according to the Western model, leads to understanding the essentials of a given topic or developing expertise in a field, as well as to personal insights and creative problem solving. When they succeed, learners feel proud of themselves. However, when they experience failure, they feel disappointment and low self-esteem. Chinese beliefs revealed what I (Li, 2002) termed a virtue orientation, which has an overarching moral tone regarding the whole person. Chinese also value efforts to achieve understanding of the world, but mentally oriented understanding (understanding achieved by articulation, analysis, and reasoning rather than by experience, practice, or meditation) alone is not central to their learning beliefs. When asked to define what knowledge is, 79% of Chinese college students (but only 15% of EA students) defined it as ‘‘a need to self-perfect’’ and ‘‘spiritual wealth/power’’; 32% of Chinese students (as opposed to 96% of EA students) defined it in terms of facts, information, skill, and understanding of the world. For Chinese students, the purposes of learning are mainly to perfect themselves morally and socially, to achieve mastery of the material, and to contribute to society. To accomplish these aims, the learner needs to develop the virtues of resolve, diligence, endurance of hardship, perseverance, and concentration. These virtues are not task-specific but are viewed as enduring personal dispositions that are more essential than actual learning activities (e.g., reading), and they are believed applicable to all learning activities and processes. Personal passion is important for learning but not necessarily intrinsic to it, as in the West. Respect for knowledge and teaching authorities is emphasized, but this does not mean blind acceptance of what is taught—rather, the idea of humility. Learning aims at breadth and depth of knowledge, its application to real-life situations, and unity of one’s knowledge and moral character. When succeeding, learners remain humble in order to continue self-perfecting. When experiencing failure, they feel shame and guilt, both for themselves and in reference to those who nurtured them. However, shame and guilt are not simply self-denigrating, but affective and moral states that motivate Chinese learners to improve themselves further. Other research supports these basic differences in learning beliefs. Cheng (1996) found that parents in China, whether well off or destitute, sent their children to school primarily not to learn literacy and numeracy skills, but to become knowledgeable of the world, able to function well in social relations, and, most important of all, morally cultivated. In analyzing parent– teacher conflict, Ran (2001) found that whereas British teachers focused on recognizing and expressing satisfaction with their Chinese students’ apparent high achievement, Chinese parents in Britain were discontented, emphasizing the need for more demanding learning materials and their children’s continuous need to self-improve regardless of their achievement. Jin and Cortazzi (1998) further discovered that the image of a good teacher as described by British students is one who is able to arouse students’ interest, explain clearly, use effective instructions, and organize activities. However, the image of a good teacher offered by their Chinese peers is one who has deep knowledge, is able to answer questions, and is a good moral model. Finally, even Chinese science teachers, but not their Western counterparts, emphasize moral guidance in addition to cultivating students’ adaptive attitudes toward learning (Gao & Watkins, 2001). These findings show that, despite the comparable complexity of the two cultures’ conceptual maps, the actual meanings that people construct about learning differ markedly. These findings are surprising, considering that learners in both cultures attend schools of similar structure (China adopted the Western school system in the 20th century) and learn by and large similar subject matter. It is not difficult to see contemporary Western beliefs reflecting their intellectual tradition as epitomized by the Socratic approach to learning. Likewise, current Chinese beliefs also reflect their intellectual tradition as exemplified by Confucius and Mencius. Individuals’ Learning Orientations Available evidence indicates that both Western and Chinese beliefs influence how individuals in the respective cultures actually learn. Hess and Azuma (1991) documented that because U.S. preschool children were socialized to rely on their curiosity, intrinsic motivation, mental independence, task efficiency, and creativity, they showed less patience, persistence, and attention to detail in actual learning than did Japanese children (who are culturally similar to Chinese children). In each culture, these culturally based learning orientations (diligence/ persistence for Japanese children and independence/originality Volume 14—Number 4 191 Jin Li