'Single Cycle' Languages: Empirical Evidence for TAG-Adjoining

Russian and Polish lack ’unbounded’ syntactic dependencies that fall into the primary empirical domain of TAG-Adjoining, namely, long-distance movement/filler-gap dependencies across a tensed clause boundary. A theory that incorporates Adjoining as a recursive structure building device provides a novel and straightforward account of this gap, whereas existing theories of syntactic locality, e.g. of the standard Minimalist kind, face difficulties explaining the phenomenon. These languages thus supply direct linguistic evidence for Adjoining.