Derivational minimalism in two regular and logical steps

Algebraic Description of Derivational Minimalism

In this paper we extend the work by Michaelis (1999) which shows how to encode an arbitrary Minimalist Grammar in the sense of Stabler (1997) into a weakly equivalent multiple contextfree grammar (MCFG). By viewing MCFG rules as terms in a free Lawvere theory we can translate a given MCFG into a regular tree grammar. The latter is characterizable by both a tree automaton and a corresponding for...

Derivational Minimalism Is Mildly Contexttsensitive

Observations on Strict Derivational Minimalism

Deviating from the definition originally presented in [12], Stabler [13] introduced— inspired by some recent proposals in terms of a minimalist approach to transformational syntax—a (revised) type of a minimalist grammar (MG) as well as a certain type of a strict minimalist grammar (SMG). These two types can be shown to determine the same class of derivable string languages.

In Between Subordination and Coordination

In Culicover and Jackendoš (1997), the leŸ-subordinating and-construction is cited as one example of a literal mismatch between syntax and semantics because it seems to exhibit syntactic properties of coordinate structures and semantic properties of subordinate structures at the same time. Hence, as they conclude, this construction cannot be derived by frameworks such asMinimalismwhere the sema...

Well-Nestedness Properly Subsumes Strict Derivational Minimalism

Minimalist grammars (MGs) constitute a mildly contextsensitive formalism when being equipped with a particular locality condition (LC), the shortest move condition. In this format MGs define the same class of derivable string languages as multiple context-free grammars (MCFGs). Adding another LC to MGs, the specifier island condition (SPIC), results in a proper subclass of derivable languages. ...