Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors Socialization through Material Objects: The Relationship of Implicit Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors

Racial and ethnic socialization are important protective factors for minority children. In this study we investigated socialization in preschool-aged, African American, Latino, and biracial children. We believed that socialization would be a protective factor against child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Also, we believed there was a protective/protective effect of parental ethnic/racial identity and socialization on child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Finally, we hypothesized that parental perceived discrimination was positively associated with racial and ethnic socialization practices. The results supported the hypothesis that racial and ethnic socialization were protective factors. This study expanded on research by including a younger sample, Latino and biracial children, and employing an implicit measure of socialization. In addition, it had implications for child-rearing practices. Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 1 If something as simple as putting a picture of a family member out in the living room or reading a book about your culture could potentially improve your child’s psychological wellbeing, would you? This study investigates the association between items in the homes of minority families and child problem behaviors that can potentially have long-lasting negative effects on children. Because minority children are faced with daily discrimination and unfair treatment, it is important to understand ways in which we can reduce their risk. Racial and ethnic socialization are protective factors. Racial and ethnic socialization are the processes by which parents instill as sense of cultural pride and cultural knowledge in their children, while also teaching minority children about discrimination they may face growing up as minorities in the United States. Racial and ethnic socialization must prepare children to succeed in both the majority culture, as well as the minority culture (Caughy, Randolph, & O’Campo, 2002). Most studies of racial and ethnic socialization investigate racial and ethnic socialization processes by explicitly asking parents and adolescents to identify the types and quantity of racial and ethnic messages they provide or receive. Racial and ethnic socialization, however, are not necessarily explicit. Socialization practices also involve participation in culture specific activities, the possession of culturally relevant books, toys, home decorations, and more, as well as, speaking a different language in the home (Caughy et al., 2002; Hughes, Rodriguez, Johnson, Stevenson, & Spicer, 2006). Regardless of the type of racial or ethnic socialization that parents participate in with their children, research demonstrated that racial and ethnic socialization processes were practiced by more than 2/3 of parents of minority children (Thornton, Chatters, Taylor, & Allen, 1990). Research also indicated that socialization processes were important for the development of healthy and successful minority children. Despite the recognition that racial and ethnic Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 2 socialization processes were important and widely practiced, research on socialization is fairly new, and focuses mainly on urban, African American children. Although the body of research on racial socialization has grown in the last decade, the current study expands racial and ethnic socialization research by investigating racial and ethnic socialization practices in Latino and biracial families, with an implicit measure of socialization, with families in urban, rural, and suburban regions of the United States, and with younger children. The current study investigates the relationship between implicit racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors, specifically somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Somatic complaints include things such as complaining about stomach pain and headaches. Somatic complaints are considered internalizing problems, and are often indicators of child anxiety and stress. Pervasive developmental problems are autisticspectrum disorders, which are characterized by communication and social interaction problems. Affective disorder is also an internalizing behavior, and is characterized by pervasive and consistent alterations in mood. It is associated with depression and anxiety. We provide an explanation of the importance of including biracial and Latino participants and implicit measures in racial and ethnic socialization research, and discuss the advantages of the racial and ethnic socialization measure used in this study. We then discuss the results of research that led us to our hypotheses. Therefore, we discuss research that includes both measures of implicit and explicit racial and ethnic socialization. Because there is limited research directly investigating the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and problem behaviors in children, we also review literature relating racial and ethnic socialization to other child outcomes. Although the child outcomes may not directly relate to the current study, we purport that the positive influence of racial and ethnic socialization on child Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 3 outcomes generalize to somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Next, we discuss the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and other psychological outcomes, because the research on other child psychological outcomes relates most closely to child problem behavior outcomes. Then we review literature that suggests that racial and ethnic socialization buffer the negative effects of discrimination, which include problem behaviors and other negative psychological outcomes. In addition, we discuss previous research that associates higher ethnic and racial identity with higher levels of racial and ethnic socialization. We explain why positive psychological outcomes, higher identity, and reduced problem behaviors are important. We then discuss the remaining child outcomes related to racial and ethnic socialization, including self-esteem and academic ability. Constantine and Blackmon (2002) found an association between racial socialization and specific self-esteem, meaning self-esteem in certain activities of the children’s lives. One of the area specific selfesteems associated with racial socialization is academic self-esteem. The research implicating the relationship between racial socialization and academic self-esteem leads us to the next body of research, which suggests that academic achievement is associated with racial socialization. Taken together, previous research suggests that racial and ethnic socialization are related to child behavior problems. In addition, another aspect of our study is to determine the effect of and relationship between parental ethnic and racial identity and parental perceived discrimination and racial and ethnic socialization. In order to support our hypotheses, we discuss research that finds an association between perceived discrimination and parental ethnic and racial identities and the types, quality, and quantity of racial and ethnic socialization that parents participate in with their children. Finally, we look at the association between other parental factors and racial and ethnic Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 4 socialization, including education and income level. We conclude by discussing the relationship between the results of previous research and our methodology and hypotheses. The Current Study Although the study of African Americans in psychological research increased our understanding of a traditionally underrepresented population in the United States, research on the effects of racial and ethnic socialization have greatly underrepresented Latino and biracial populations in the United States. While there had been some research on Latinos’ socialization practices, no research investigated the socialization challenges facing the parents of biracial children. Because of the changing demographics of the United States, it was increasingly important to include Latino and biracial participants in research (Fantuzzo, Sutton-Smith, Myers, Atkins, Stevenson, Coolahan, Weiss, & Manz, 2006). In addition, the research conducted on African Americans also tended to be done in urban areas. Although it was important to look at children growing up in urban areas, their experiences were not representative of African Americans in other regions of the United States. Therefore, the current study expanded on research by investigating the stability of the trends found in research on African Americans living outside of cities. In addition, most of the research conducted on racial socialization was with adolescents. Because children were socialized from a young age we believed it was important to look at younger children, and determine the age at which differences in racial and ethnic socialization practices influenced children. Research was conducted mainly with adolescents, because adolescents were able to report and understand the racial and ethnic messages they receive from their parents. Because most measures of racial and ethnic socialization were explicit measures, meaning the measures explicitly asked participants about the types and quantity of racial and Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 5 ethnic messages they received, participants had to be old enough to respond. The current study expanded research by using an implicit measure, which allowed us to investigate the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and preschool-aged children, rather than adolescents. The use of an implicit measure of racial and ethnic socialization not only allowed us to investigate a younger population, but also mitigated weaknesses of research on racial socialization. In order to assess implicit racial and ethnic socialization we adapted a measure designed and used by Caughy and colleagues (2002b), known as the Afrocentric Home Environment Inventory. The Afrocentric Home Environment Inventory (AHEI) was an observed and interviewed measure that assessed the number of culturally specific items in the home of African Americans. In order to incorporate Latino and biracial families into the current study we adapted the AHEI, and for the purpose of this study referred to the adapted measure as the Ethnic Home Environment Inventory (EHEI). Although the EHEI did not assess preparation for bias, which most other measures of racial and ethnic socialization assessed, it allowed researchers to more objectively measure socialization. Research showed that at a young age it was particularly important to use the AHEI, because parents did not participate in conversations with their children about race and ethnicity at young ages (Caughy et al., 2002b). In addition, Quintana and Vera (1999) found that the understanding of discrimination increased with age, and, therefore, parents did not engage in conversations about discrimination with young children. Their finding suggested that conversations about discrimination and prejudice were less importance for young children, than adolescents. Caughy and colleagues (2002b) also found, however, that the AHEI captured socialization practices of both parental units, rather than just the parental unit participating in research of explicit socialization. Therefore, the AHEI provided a more accurate representation of the family unit’s socialization practices, than self-report Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 6 measures (Thornton et al., 1990). In addition, research suggested that there were important gender differences between parents’ socialization practices. The AHEI, however, allowed us to look at the context in which the children were growing up, without excluding a parent from the analysis. Although it was important to acknowledge that the exclusion of a measure of preparation for bias socialization was a limitation of this study, research indicated that the age group in this study, and also the outcomes that we investigated made the assessment of preparation for bias less important. It may be important for future research on implicit socialization to account for preparation for bias, however. Harris-Britt and associates (2007) also found that high levels of preparation for bias actually led to the reemergence of the negative relationship between perceived discrimination and self-esteem. Hughes and colleagues (2001) acknowledged that messages of racial barriers, especially in excess, had harmful effects on children. The negative effects of preparation for bias suggested that the inclusion of preparation of bias in the measure of racial and ethnic socialization was not important. Hughes (2003), as well as Hughes and Chen (1997) and Hughes and colleagues (2006), also found that parents reported more cultural socialization messages, than messages about racial discrimination, suggesting that parents perceived messages of bias as less important. African Americans, however, more frequently reported addressing discrimination, than Puerto Ricans and Dominicans. Studies suggesting that preparation for bias had negative effects on children, also indicated that parents of younger children were less likely to engage in conversations about race and culture. Hughes and Chen (1997) also found that as children got older the number of messages about racial barriers increased, therefore it was not as important with our sample. Because parents were less likely to Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 7 engage in conversations of bias when their children were young, it was not essential to include preparation for bias socialization in this study. In addition to being an appropriate measure of socialization for the current study, research suggested that future research on racial and ethnic socialization should utilize different methods of measuring racial socialization. The EHEI mitigated several of the weaknesses that research emphasized, and also encompassed several concepts that researchers indicated were important in the study of racial and ethnic socialization. Stevenson (1994) and Thornton and associates (1990) both argued that socialization could be subtle and implicit, and future research should look more closely at implicit processes of socialization. The EHEI, rather than looking at the types of conversations that parents had with their children about race and ethnicity, looked at how items in the home taught children about their race and ethnicity. Other researchers found that items in the home and cultural activities were associated with higher levels of ethnic and racial socialization (Stevenson, 1994b; Knight, Bernal, Garza, Cota, & O’Campo, 1993; Neblett, White, Ford, Philip, Nguyen, & Sellers, 2008). For example, Neblett and colleagues (2008) found that parents who participated in high and moderate positive socialization, which meant that parents mainly conveyed messages of cultural pride to their children, tended to reinforce their socialization methods with socialization behaviors, such as decorating their homes with cultural items and participating in cultural activities. Therefore, measuring items in the home was an appropriate measure of racial and ethnic socialization. In addition, Knight and colleagues (1993) found that cultural socialization was associated with cultural items in the home. Although Knight and colleagues (1993) found a correlation between ethnic socialization and cultural items in the home, other studies did not find a relation (Caughy et al., 2002b). The discrepancy in the findings of an association between racial and ethnic socialization and items in the home Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 8 suggested, as noted by Hughes (2003), that researchers need to devise a better way to implicitly investigate racial and ethnic socialization. Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Outcomes Problem Behaviors Caughy and colleagues (2002) conducted a study similar to the current study. The researchers assessed racial socialization using the AHEI and child problem behaviors using the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL). In addition to assessing racial socialization with the AHEI, however, they also used explicit measures of racial socialization. Caughy and colleagues (2002) did not find a correlation between measures of explicit and implicit racial socialization measures. They, also, found a relationship between higher levels of cultural pride socialization and reduced levels of problem behaviors; however, they did not find a relationship between the AHEI and CBCL. Although they did not find a relationship between our two primary measures, the fact that explicit racial socialization was associated with child problem behaviors suggested that it was important to look more closely at the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors. In addition, in a follow-up study, Caughy and colleagues (2006) found a positive association between the AHEI and externalizing behaviors in girls, but no relationship for boys. Also, high scores on the AHEI were associated with fewer internalizing behaviors in high social capital neighborhoods, but less so as social capital reduced. For girls, the AHEI was related to higher levels of externalizing behaviors, but less so in low social capital neighborhoods. Caughy and colleagues (2006) defined high social capital neighborhoods as neighborhoods in which adults intervene in negative behavior of children, assist children in need, and neighborhoods with high social interaction. Conflicting results between Caughy and Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 9 colleagues (2002) and Caughy and colleagues (2006) suggested a need for further research on the relationship between implicit socialization and child behavior problems. Although Caughy and colleagues (2002) and Caughy and colleagues (2006) were the most similar to the current study, several other studies also found a relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors. Smokowski and Bacallao (2007) found an association between increased assimilation of Latino adolescents and higher levels of parentadolescent conflict and child perceived discrimination. Although both child perceived discrimination and parent-adolescent conflict were associated with internalizing behaviors in Latino adolescents, increased levels of enculturation, which was similar to ethnic socialization in the sense that it instilled cultural pride and knowledge in children, was protective and reduced conflict and perceived discrimination. Subsequently, enculturation, or ethnic socialization, was associated with fewer internalizing behaviors in adolescents. Harris-Britt and associates (2007) found similar results. They found that discrimination led to depressive symptoms, or internalizing behaviors, but that racial and ethnic socialization buffered the negative effects of discrimination. Neblett and colleagues (2008) found that high positive socialization buffered problem-behaviors. Neblett and colleagues (2008) defined high positive socialization as mainly cultural socialization, rather than preparation for discrimination socialization. Although our measure of socialization, the EHEI, did not include a preparation for bias component, Neblett and colleagues (2008) suggested that discrimination was not related to problem behaviors. Because problem behaviors were the main outcome investigated in this study, we believed that discrimination messages were not as important in our study. Psychological Outcomes Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 10 Smokowski and Bacallao (2007) found an association between increased levels of assimilation and more psychopathology and substance abuse. They defined assimilation as the acceptance of majority culture and the lack of knowledge about the minority culture. Therefore, ethnic socialization was negatively associated with psychopathology and substance abuse. Because internalizing and externalizing behaviors were a form of psychopathology, we believed that the negative association between racial and ethnic socialization and psychopathology encompassed child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Therefore, we expected to find a negative association between racial and ethnic socialization and child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Similarly, Chavez and French (2007) found that discrimination led to mental disorders, however, ethnic and racial socialization buffered the negative effects of discrimination. Because externalizing and internalizing behaviors were considered psychopathology, the findings in Chavez and French (2007) and Smokowski and Bacallao (2007) suggested that racial and ethnic socialization were negatively associated with child problem behaviors, as well. Racial and Ethnic Identity Several studies found an association between racial and ethnic socialization and racial and ethnic identity, such that increased socialization was related to higher levels of identity (Stevenson, 1995; Fhagen-Smith, 2003; Abreu, Goodyear, Campos, & Newcomb, 2000; Miller, 2009; Quintana & Vera, 1999). A study by Supple, Ghazarian, Frabutt, Plunkett, & Sands (2006) suggested that family ethnic socialization was associated with exploration and resolution levels of ethnic identity, the two highest levels of ethnic identity. In addition, they found that decorating the home with culture specific items led to positive feelings about the family’s culture. Also, Umana-Taylor and Fine (2004) found that culturally decorating the home was Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 11 associated with the development of ethnic identity. Racial and ethnic socialization studies were not only important because they suggested that racial and ethnic socialization were associated with positive outcomes in children, but they were also important because research suggested that developing a strong ethnic and racial identity was beneficial to children. Higher levels of ethnic identity were associated with better academic skills, higher selfesteem, increased sense of purpose in life, increased self-confidence, and increased psychological well-being (Hughes, Rodriguez, Smith, Johnson, Stevenson & Spicer, 2006; Phinney, Cantu & Kurtx, 1997; Martinez & Duke, 1997) In addition, Supple and associates (2006) and Umana-Taylor and Fine (2004) found that culturally decorating the home led to more positive feelings about a minority culture, and subsequently higher levels of ethnic identity. Therefore, in the current study we expected to find that higher scores on the EHEI were associated with some of the benefits associated with the development of ethnic identity, such as increased psychological well-being. Finally, Wakefield and Hudley (2005) found that increased ethnic identity also buffered the negative effects of discrimination. Negative Effects of Discrimination Several researchers indicated that racial and ethnic socialization buffered the negative effects of discrimination (Harris-Britt et al., 2007; Neblett et al., 2008; Stevenson, 1994; Chavez & French, 2007). Similar to the research on racial and ethnic identities, the findings had more implications than reducing the negative effects of discrimination, because discrimination was associated with several negative outcomes in children, including low self-esteem and reduced psychological well-being (Stevenson, 1994). Although it seemed logical that racial and ethnic socialization that prepared children for discrimination were necessary to buffer the negative effects of discrimination, Neblett and Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 12 associates (2008) found that ethnic and racial socialization that concentrated on cultural pride were more effective at buffering the effects of discrimination. Research also reinforced the importance of cultural pride socialization, because messages of racial barriers were found to reverse the buffering effect of racial socialization on discrimination’s negative relationship with self-esteem (Harris-Britt et al., 2007). Self-Esteem Several studies found an association between racial and ethnic socialization and selfesteem (Neblett et al., 2008; Hughes et al., 2006; Chavez & French, 2007). Smokowski and Bacallao (2007) found that Latinos who were more assimilated into the majority culture tended to have lower self-esteem, and subsequently Latinos with higher ethnic socialization and identities had higher levels of self-esteem. In addition, Constantine and Blackmon (2002) found a positive relationship between area-specific self-esteem, such as self-esteem in friendships and academic self-esteem and racial socialization. The findings of self-esteem research were another example of the positive outcomes associated with racial and ethnic socialization. We believed that the positive outcomes associated with socialization would be extended to child problem behaviors in this study. Academic Ability and Factual Knowledge Not only had researchers found an association between racial and ethnic socialization and academic self-esteem (Constantine & Blackmon, 2002), but other research also suggested that academic ability and factual knowledge were associated with racial and ethnic socialization (Hughes et al., 2006). Caughy and colleagues (2002), in addition to investigating the relationship between child behavior problems and racial socialization, also looked at the relationship between implicit racial socialization and factual knowledge. They found an Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 13 association between higher scores on the AHEI and higher levels of factual knowledge and problem-solving abilities in preschool-aged children. In addition, the results of a study completed by Miller (1999) suggested that academic achievement, as well as academic involvement, was positively related to explicit racial socialization. Although both Caughy and colleagues (2006) and Miller (1999) completed research with African American children and adolescents, a study completed by Smokowski and Bacallao (2007) found similar trends in the academic abilities of Latinos in the United States. The results suggested that Latinos with biculturalism, or an understanding of both the majority and minority culture, had lower drop-out rates in school. Research that not only suggested that implicit racial and ethnic socialization improved child outcomes, but also suggested that explicit socialization was positively related to child outcomes, supported our belief that racial and ethnic socialization were negatively related to child problem behaviors. The Importance of Reducing Child Problem Behaviors Research using the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) has suggested that the study of child behavior problems, and the subsequent intervention or prevention of child behavior problems, was important. Studies using the CBCL found that internalizing behaviors, and especially externalizing behaviors, in childhood led to long-term psychological problems. Anselmi, Barros, Teodoro, Piccinini, Menezes, Araujo, and Rohde (2008) found that the Total Score of CBCL had medium stability, while externalizing scores had higher stability than internalizing behaviors. The stability of problem behaviors was important, because it suggested that if child problem behaviors arose in early childhood, they caused long-term problems. Therefore, if racial and ethnic socialization were negatively associated with somatic complaints, pervasive Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 14 developmental problems, and affective disorder, measured on the CBCL, as predicted, there could be important implications for minority child-rearing practices. In addition, important differences between internalizing and externalizing behaviors existed. Cohen, Gotlieb, Kershner, and Wehrspann (1985) found that children with internalizing behaviors had better outcomes than children with externalizing behaviors. Similar to Caughy and colleagues (2006), Cohen and associates (1985) found a relationship between racial socialization and externalizing behaviors; and thus, bolstered the importance of finding ways that parents could prevent and mitigate child problem behaviors. Parental Factors that Influence the Relationship between Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Behavior Problems Another aspect of this study was to look at factors that influenced the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors. Research on parental factors that were related to racial and ethnic socialization, and influenced the relationship between ethnic and racial socialization and child problem behaviors suggested that parental factors influenced racial and ethnic socialization practices. We discuss more specific research that looked at parents’ perceived discrimination and parental ethnic identity. We explain how research on perceived discrimination and ethnic and racial identity led us to hypothesize that greater parental perceived discrimination was related to racial and ethnic socialization. In addition, we explain how research led us to believe that there was a protective/protective effect, such that parental ethnic and racial identity strengthened the hypothesized protective characteristics of racial and ethnic socialization on child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Income Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 15 Several studies found an association between parent income levels and the quantity of socialization messages and practices. Hughes and associates (2006) found that parents in higher socioeconomic groups participated in more conversations about race and ethnicity with their children than their counterparts. In addition, Caughy and colleagues (2002) found that parents with higher income levels tended to score higher on the AHEI, meaning they had home environments richer in cultural items. The finding that parents with higher income levels score higher on the AHEI could have important implications for our study. Because all of our participants were low-income families, participants in this study could have had lower scores on the EHEI. Although we were not looking specifically at parental income level, we could find that parental income influenced our ability to detect the relationship between implicit racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors. Education Thornton and colleagues (1990) and Neblett and colleagues (2008) found that parents with higher levels of education participated in more socialization with their children. Although not directly related to the parental factors investigated in this study, the findings suggested that parental factors influenced racial and ethnic socialization practices. Because there was a correlation between socialization and parental education, we did not know exactly what aspects of education led parents to participate in more socialization practices. Neblett and associates (2008), however, found that parents with higher levels of education perceived more discrimination. Thus, perceived discrimination was an important component of the relationship between socialization and parental education. In addition, because we investigated parental perceived discrimination, the relationship between education and perceived discrimination could be an important aspect of parental education for this study. Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 16 Parental Perceived Discrimination Results of several studies suggested that ethnic and racial socialization were influenced by parental experiences including discrimination (Burchinal, Roberts, Zeisel, Hennon, Hooper, 2006). Neblett and associates (2008) believed that the type and number of conversations that parents engaged in with their children about race and ethnicity were a product of their own experiences. Therefore, they believed that parents who had been the target of racial or ethnic discrimination were more likely to ethnically and racially socialize their children. In addition, Hughes (2003) and Lalonde and colleagues (2008) found that the relationship between perceived discrimination and racial and ethnic socialization practices varied culturally. Hughes (2003) found that perceived discrimination was a predictor of messages of racial discrimination, and that the relationship between perceived discrimination and socialization practices were stronger in African Americans, than Latinos. Therefore, because our study included both Latinos and African Americans, we may find that perceived discrimination was more related to socialization practices of our African American participants. Also, because we did not measure messages of racial barriers, we could not detect the relationship between perceived discrimination and racial and ethnic socialization practices. Thomas and Speight (1999), however, found that people who had negative experiences because of their race, such as discrimination, participated in fewer socialization practices. Thomas and Speight (1999) contradicted the majority of research on the relationship between parental perceived discrimination and socialization practices. Therefore, it suggested that further research was needed to investigate the relationship between parental perceived discrimination and racial and ethnic socialization. Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 17 Finally, Hughes and associates (2001) found that parents with higher levels of perceived discrimination had more developed ethnic identities. Because ethnic identity was the other parental factor we investigated, the association between perceived discrimination and ethnic and racial identities suggested that parents who scored highly on perceived discrimination and ethnic identity measures also scored high on implicit racial and ethnic socialization measures. Although the results of the ethnic identity studies were mixed, we hypothesized that perceived discrimination would positively related to racial and ethnic socialization. Parental Perception of Child Discrimination Researchers found that when parents perceived that their children would be or were the target of discrimination, parents were more likely to racially and ethnically socialize their children (Lalonde, Jones, & Stroink, 2008). Hughes and colleagues (2001) found that parents who perceived that their child had been treated unfairly were more likely to discuss discrimination with them. They also reported increased socialization messages. We, similarly, expected to find a positive association between parental perceived discrimination and their socialization practices. Parental Ethnic and Racial Identities Research suggested that family and parental ethnic and racial identities were predictive of socialization practices (Miller, 1999; Lalonde et al., 2008; Cross & Vandiver, 2001). Similarly, parents, who were unsure about their identity and had negative experiences because of their race, participated in fewer socialization practices with their children (Thomas & Speight, 1999). In addition, researchers, who had not looked specifically at ethnic and racial identity, found that parents who were older tended to participate in more ethnic and racial socialization practices (Stevenson, 1995; Thornton et al., 1990). Studies that found an association between parents’ age Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 18 and socialization practices, in combination with a study by Martinez and Duke (1997) that suggested that older parents had higher levels of ethnic identity, also supported the idea that parents with higher levels of ethnic and racial identities were more likely to racially and ethnically socialize their children. Research on ethnic and racial identities and socialization practices revealed certain cultural differences. Hughes (2003) suggested that ethnic identity for Latinos and African Americans predicted the number of cultural pride messages parents relayed to their children. Ethnic identity, however, was a stronger predictor of socialization practices in Latinos. The cultural difference found in Hughes (2003) suggested that it could be important to look at the differences between ethnic groups in the current study, and that ethnic identity could have had a greater affect on the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors for Latino participants, than African American participants. In a study similar to both the current study and Caughy and colleagues (2002), Knight and colleagues (1993) investigated the relationship between ethnic socialization and ethnic items in the home of Latino families. Knight and colleagues (1993) suggested that parents’ ethnic identity was related to the amount of cultural items Latino parents had in the home. In addition, another study with Latinos found a negative association between Latino parent’s acculturation and the number of ethnic behaviors their children participated in (Quintana & Vera, 1999). Although not looking specifically at ethnic identity and ethnic socialization, the concept of acculturation, as defined by Quintana & Vera (1999), suggested that Latinos who were acculturated were more assimilated into the majority culture. Therefore, parents who were less acculturated had stronger ethnic identities. Although there were some group differences between African Americans and Latinos, research on the relationship between parent’s ethnic and racial identity and their socialization practices Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 19 suggested that ethnic and racial identity could have a protective/protective effect, as described by Caldwell, Sellers, Bernat, and Zimmerman (2004), such that parental ethnic identity enhanced the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors. Expansions and Hypotheses In light of this review, we believed that implicit racial and ethnic socialization would negatively relate to child problem behaviors. Therefore, we hypothesized that an increased number of cultural items, such as race and ethnicity specific artwork, found in the home, would be associated with fewer child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Although few researchers investigated the relationship between implicit racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors, and the results of research on the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors were conflicting, we believed that higher levels of racial and ethnic socialization would be protective factors for child outcomes. Research also suggested that parental factors influenced racial and ethnic socialization practices. Therefore, we believed that parental perceived discrimination predicted racial and ethnic socialization practices, such that higher levels of perceived discrimination would be associated with higher scores on the Ethnic Home Environment Inventory (EHEI). In addition, we believed that parental ethnic and racial identities would enhance the protective effects of racial and ethnic socialization on child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Research also highlighted limitations in which the current study sought to mitigate. First, the majority of research on racial and ethnic socialization was completed with African American participants. Although research on African American populations was important, the changing Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 20 demographics of the United States indicated that research on Latino and biracial participants was increasingly important. Although some research had been done with Latinos, Knight and colleagues (1993) and Quintana and Vera (1999) argued that the research on Latinos generally included participants who were fluent in English and the studies were completed in English. Because English-speaking Latinos were not representative of the entire Latino population in the United States, the current study included participants that spoke Spanish in the home and lower income families. Also, no racial and ethnic socialization research included biracial families. Other researchers emphasized the need to investigate racial and ethnic socialization differently. Thornton and associates (1990) stated that studies of racial and ethnic socialization looked at socialization at one moment in time. They argued that looking at socialization at one point made socialization appear to be static, and, therefore, future researchers should employ longitudinal studies to investigate racial and ethnic socialization practices. The current study investigated one child problem behavior, affective disorder, longitudinally. In addition, most studies of socialization looked at content of messages, and several researchers called for implicit measures of racial and ethnic socialization (Neblett et al., 2008; Thomas & Speight, 1999). The current study employed an implicit measure of socialization. Therefore, in addition to looking at child outcomes that had not been widely investigated, this study also mitigated several limitations of previous racial and ethnic socialization research. The data for this study was collected as part of the Early Steps Project. The Early Steps Project was an “ecologically-orientated, family-centered intervention to prevent problem behavior and early-onset substance abuse among high-risk families with toddlers” (Dishion, Shaw, Wilson, & Gardner, 2002). The project was conducted at three sites, one rural, one suburban, and one urban. Although the focus of the intervention was to prevent substance abuse, Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 21 the intervention was also aimed at reducing conduct problems and promoting academic achievement. All of the intended outcomes were found to be related. The Early Steps Project was also committed to developing a standard of cultural considerations to be used when working with minority families. Methods Participants There were 733 primary caregivers enrolled in this study during the first wave of data collection. The primary caregivers were 57 percent White, 28.2 percent African American, 2.6 percent Native American, 0.2 percent Asian, 3 percent biracial, and 6 percent were another race. The ethnic breakdown of the White families was 10.7 percent Hispanic and 87.6 percent nonHispanic. All but two percent of the primary caregivers were female and the child’s biological mother. Approximately 62 percent of primary caregivers lived with the child’s other biological parent. Primary caregivers were allowed to select an alternate caregiver to participate in the study, and 435 families selected an alternate caregiver. Table 1 has additional information regarding the demographic characteristics of the Early Steps’ sample. In the current analyses we investigated the African American, Hispanic, Mexican American, and biracial children. There were 367 minority (African American, Hispanic, Mexican-American, and biracial), at-risk children. The sample was 53.7 percent African American (N = 197), 15.8 percent Hispanic (N= 58), 1.4 percent Mexican American (N = 5), and 29.2 percent biracial (N= 107). There were 182 boys and 185 girls. The children in this study were between the ages of 2.25-3 years at the onset of the study, and were recruited from three different site locations, including a rural site within and outside of Charlottesville, Virginia, an urban site in areas of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, and a suburban site in Eugene, Oregon. There Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 22 were 188 rural families, 271 suburban families, and 272 urban families in the Early Steps’ sample. Primary caregivers and their children were recruited through Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) Nutrition Programs. Participants were approached at the WIC program, because they had children between the ages of 2.25 and 3 years old. The participants were invited to participate in the study if they met the requirement of having socio-demographic, family, or child risk factors. The criteria to determine if one of socio-demographic, familial, and child risk factors was present were defined as one standard deviation or more above normative averages on several screening measures. For example, measures looked at these three domains: child behavior problems (e.g., conduct problems, high-conflict relationships with adults); family problems (e.g., maternal depression, daily parenting challenges, substance use problems, teen parent status); and socio-demographic risk (e.g., low education achievement and low family income as defined by the WIC criterion). Participants had to qualify for two or more of the three risk categories as defined above. More participants were recruited in Pittsburgh and Eugene, because of the larger population of eligible families in Pittsburgh and Eugene relative to Charlottesville. Alternate caregivers were selected by the primary caregiver, and could be family or nonfamily members. The alternate caregivers were expected to be someone that cared for the child, and spent a substantial amount of time with the child. Design When the children were 2 and 3 years-old, a home visit assessment was completed. The primary caregiver gave informed consent, and then completed questionnaires and several videotaped tasks with the child. The visits lasted about an hour and a half. In addition, the Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 23 alternate caregiver, selected by the primary caregiver, gave informed consent, completed questionnaires, and a videotaped interaction with the child. Families were assessed on a number of components, including parental adjustment, child problem behaviors, and contextual factors. In this study, we looked at aspects of the assessment that investigated the children’s home environment and problem behaviors, including somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. Child problem behaviors were assessed by both the primary caregiver and alternate caregiver at the visits at age 2 and 3. We also looked at parental factors, such as perceived discrimination and racial and ethnic identity during the home visits. Measures All measures were chosen because of their psychometric adequacy, predictive validity, and sensitivity to change. Participants were also required to complete a demographic survey. Implicit Racial and Ethnic Socialization Examiners administered the Ethnic Home Environment Inventory (EHEI), and filmers and examiners also completed the EHEI through observation. The EHEI was an adaption of the Afrocentric Home Environment Inventory (AHEI) (Caughy et al., 2002). The AHEI was a 10binary-item scale questionnaire. The measure assessed the number of culturally specific and appropriate items present in the home environment. Items included African American toys, African American children’s books, and African American music. For the purpose of our study, we expanded the questions to include other ethnicities; therefore the examiner substituted the race or ethnicity of the child in front of the item (e.g. [insert race/ethnicity here] children’s toys?). If the interviewer observed an item or the participant reported having an item, the item was scored in the positive. We used the interviewer’s observations and the data gained through Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 24 the interview in the current analyses. The numbers of items observed or reported were summed, and higher numbers indicated more items in the home. The total score from the EHEI represented racial and ethnic socialization. We used regression to assess the relationship between the total score of the EHEI from age 2 and age 3 and compared it to the total scores of the parental factors at age 3 and child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder at age 3, in order to assess our hypotheses. Child Internalizing and Externalizing Behaviors Primary caregivers and alternate caregivers completed the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) (Achenbach & Rescorla, 2000). The CBCL included 99 items that assessed both internalizing and externalizing behavior problems in young children. Items included, “Cries A Lot,” and other child behaviors. Parents responded on a three-point scale, ranging from 0 (not true [as far as you know]) to 2 (very true or often true). We assessed the total score of somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. The t-score for somatic complaints was made up of 9 items on the CBCL. The items included complaints about stomach problems, headaches, dizziness, and tiredness. The t-score for pervasive developmental problems was composed of 13 items, including “Argues a lot,” “Doesn’t get along with other kids,” and “Bragging/Boasting.” The t-score for affective disorder consisted of 10 items on the CBCL. For example, items such as, “Confused/ Seems to be in a fog” and “Sulks a lot.” We used the primary caregiver CBCL reports from age 3 to assess somatic complaints and pervasive developmental problems. We assessed child affective disorder using the alternate caregiver reports from age 3. We completed regressions with the somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder t-scores and the total score of the EHEI from age Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 25 2 and 3, in order to assess the relationship between racial and ethnic socialization and child problem behaviors. Parental Perceived Discrimination Primary caregivers completed the Micro-Aggression (MIC) questionnaire. The MIC was adapted from a measure used to assess discrimination of Native Americans. The MIC included 18 items assessing both racial/ethnic and economic/education discrimination. For example, parents were asked, “Have you ever felt unfairly treated because of your race or ethnicity.” The primary caregivers responded on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 (almost never) to 5 (almost always). Therefore, a higher score of the MIC corresponded with more perceived discrimination. In this study we used the total score of the racial and ethnic discrimination to represent perceived discrimination. Parental Racial and Ethnic Identity Primary caregivers also completed a measure of ethnic and racial identity, the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) (Phinney, 1992). Fourteen items of the MEIM were rated on a 4-point scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). The 14 items were meant to represent ethnic identity, and an example of one of the items was, “I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs.” A higher score on the MEIM represented a more developed ethnic identity. The MEIM also contained six items rated on the same scale to measure other-group orientation (Other-Group). A higher score on the Other-Group items represented a greater willingness to interact with other ethnic groups. We used both the other group orientation and ethnic/racial identity total scores to investigate parental ethnic and racial identities. Procedure Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 26 Participants were recruited through Women, Infants, and Children (WIC) Nutrition Programs. The participants were invited to participate in the study if they met the requirement of having socioeconomic, family, or child risk factors. Once eligibility was established, participants were contacted to set up a home visit, lasting about an hour and a half. During the home visit, children and their primary caregiver participated in several videotaped tasks, the primary caregiver completed questionnaires, and the child completed cognitive ability testing. The alternate caregiver completed questionnaires, including the Child Behavior Checklist, and participated in a brief videotaped interaction with the child. The home visits were conducted by two research assistants, and direct observations of behavior were favored over reported behavior. Research assistants also took note of racial and ethnic items found in the home (i.e. artwork or music), as well as asked primary caregivers if the items were present in the home. The family was compensated $100 for their participation. A similar visit was completed at age 3. Primary caregivers were compensated $120 at age 3. Alternate caregivers were compensated $30 for their participation at ages 2 and 3. Results Hypothesis 1 We computed regressions, in order to assess our first hypothesis. As hypothesized, racial and ethnic socialization were protective factors for child somatic complaints, pervasive developmental problems, and affective disorder. The scores on the age 3 Ethnic Home Environment Inventory (EHEI) were negatively related to child somatic complaints reported by the primary caregiver at age 3 (R = .19, p = .02). The scores on the age 3 EHEI were negatively related to child pervasive developmental problems reported by primary caregivers at age 3 (R = .15, p = .05). Also, the scores on the age 2 EHEI were negatively associated with child affective Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 27 disorders at age 3 (R = .147, p = .05). See Table 2 for the correlations between the EHEI and CBCL. Hypothesis 2 Contrary to our hypothesis we did not find a protective/protective effect of parental ethnic identity or other group orientation. A protective/protective effect was not found for any of the child problem behaviors investigated. Parental other group orientation did not enhance the effect of racial socialization on somatic complaints (β = .50, p = .12). Although the interaction effect was not significant, we found another main effect, such that parental other group orientation at age 3 was significantly related to child somatic complaints (β = -.31, p = .03). In addition, we reconfirmed our finding of a main effect between racial and ethnic socialization and child somatic complaints (β = -.62, p = .04). In addition, there was not a significant interaction effect for racial and ethnic socialization and other group orientation on child affective disorder. Finally, the results indicated that there was a non-significant trend in which the interaction term, racial and ethnic socialization and other group orientation, approached statistical significance (p =.09) for pervasive developmental problems. The findings also reinforced our first hypothesis that racial and ethnic socialization were protective factors for pervasive developmental problems (β = -.63, p = .03). See table 3 for the results. Hypothesis 3 In order to assess our third hypothesis, racial and ethnic socialization are positively related to perceived discrimination, we assessed the correlations between the EHEI at age 2 and 3 and the Micro-aggression Measure (MIC) at age 3. The results demonstrated that racial and ethnic socialization were not related to either racial/ethnic discrimination or income/education discrimination. Table 4 depicts the correlations between the MIC and EHEI. Racial and Ethnic Socialization and Child Problem Behaviors 28