Instrumental -er Nominals Revisited
نویسندگان
چکیده
The literature on English -er nominals has established that these can be divided into two major subclasses (see Rappaport Hovav & Levin 1992, Fabb 1984, Keyser & Roeper 1984, van Hout & Roeper 1998 to mention a few), the relevant semantic property being whether they refer to an actual event or not. Hence -er nominals vary with respect to the [±event] specification. As has been also widely discussed in the literature, [+event] -er nominals are not necessarily agentive; more concretely, they simply correspond to the external argument of the base verb irrespective of the thematic role that this verb assigns to its external argument (agent, causer, holder, experiencer, instrument; the ‘external argument generalization’). Some examples (from Rappaport Hovav & Levin 1992) are given below:
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