Complement Clauses and Expletives

نویسنده

  • Gosse Bouma
چکیده

Complement clauses in Dutch may appear in either extraposed or fronted position. An extraposed clause may cooccur with an expletive element het (it), but this element is never present if the complement clause is fronted. In this paperwe investigate howwemay account for this asymmetry in a nontransformational framework such as HPSG. In Dutch subordinate clauses, complement clauses always appear in clause-final (or ‘extraposed’) position, following the finite verb (1a). If the complement is an object, the positionwhere object complements normally appear (i.e. before the finite verb) may be occupied by the expletive NP het (it) (1b). The occurrence of an expletive is determined by the governing verb. There are many verbs (such as beweren) which select an object clause, but do not allow the expletive (1c), there are many verbs (such as betreuren) which optionally allow an expletive (1b,d), and there are some verbs (such as haten) for which the presence of an expletive is almost obligatory (1e,f) (Bennis, 1986, p. 103 ff.).

برای دانلود متن کامل این مقاله و بیش از 32 میلیون مقاله دیگر ابتدا ثبت نام کنید

ثبت نام

اگر عضو سایت هستید لطفا وارد حساب کاربری خود شوید

منابع مشابه

Wh-Expletives and Secondary Predication: German Partial Wh-Movement Reconsidered

In German, complex wh-interrogatives can optionally be formed by inserting the 3 person neuter wh-pronoun was in the matrix (Spec,CP) position, instead of long-distance wh-raising. It is generally assumed that 'expletive' was serves as a placeholder for a contentful whexpression lower down in the sentence, which substitutes for it at the level of semantic interpretation. It can be shown, howeve...

متن کامل

Verb - Second as vP - First

In this article, I argue for a remnant movement approach to German V/2 constructions that does not employ head movement at any step of the derivation: The pre-V/2 (topic) position and the V/2 position collapse into a single fronted remnant vP. The central theoretical innovation is a constraint on the movement of phases: The Edge Domain Pied Piping Condition (EPC) permits vP movement only if vP ...

متن کامل

The production of finite and nonfinite complement clauses by children with specific language impairment and their typically developing peers.

The purpose of this study was to explore whether 13 children with specific language impairment (SLI; ages 5;1-8;0 [years;months]) were as proficient as typically developing age- and vocabulary-matched children in the production of finite and nonfinite complement clauses. Preschool children with SLI have marked difficulties with verb-related morphology. However, very little is known about these ...

متن کامل

Non-local binding in tenseless clauses

(2) makes no reference to the finite status of the complement clause, as it holds for finite and non-finite clauses alike. The fact in (2) follows as a consequence of the movement operations applied independently for reflexive binding and restructuring of tenseless complement clauses. As a result, (2) is analyzed as a restructuring effect in this paper, as stated in (3), to be outlined in detai...

متن کامل

Semantic Effects of Focus on Modifiers in Complement Clauses∗

We investigate the semantic effects of focus in complement clauses of various kinds of complement-taking predicates and argue that the empirically attested readings are predicted by the interplay of two principles: (i) embedded focus locally triggers the presupposition that the existential closure of the background is true, (ii) embedding predicates differ in their presupposition projection pro...

متن کامل

ذخیره در منابع من


  با ذخیره ی این منبع در منابع من، دسترسی به آن را برای استفاده های بعدی آسان تر کنید

برای دانلود متن کامل این مقاله و بیش از 32 میلیون مقاله دیگر ابتدا ثبت نام کنید

ثبت نام

اگر عضو سایت هستید لطفا وارد حساب کاربری خود شوید

عنوان ژورنال:

دوره   شماره 

صفحات  -

تاریخ انتشار 1996