Pronoun Resolution to Commanders and Recessors: A View from Event-Related Brain Potentials

We present results from an online experiment designed to probe the cognitive underpinnings of intra-sentential pronoun resolution. Event-related brain potentials were used to test the hypothesis that the processing of anaphoric links established between pronouns and non commanding antecedents demands more cognitive resources than the processing of anaphoric links to commanding antecedents. The experimental results obtained show, among others, a major N400-like effect elicited by the pronouns resolved to the non-commanding antecedent. This enhanced negativity suggests that, as hypothesized, resolving a pronoun to a non commanding antecedent is a more resource demanding process than resolving it to an antecedent in a commanding position. Our results can be interpreted within a theoretical framework for anaphor resolution that distinguishes two processing routes: a more resource-demanding discoursebased route and a less taxing syntax-only route.