Male-Female Earnings Differentials: A Critical Reappraisal

First, Robb seems to miss the point of the alternative hypothesis to sexual discrimination. That hypothesis is that marriage and its asymmetrical effects on male and female career efforts, due to asymmetrical domestic responsibilities and commitments means qualitatively different performance levels by men and women who are married, or have been married. Never married women should be compared to never married men, not all men [See Robb (1978, p. 357), Tables 3 and 4.1 Age, even if it quantitatively captures work experience, does not get at this qualitative point. These are more than quibbles; they make an empirical difference in the results. Data cited by Sowell (1975) in Affirmative Action Reconsidered showed that "never married" academic women receive higher pay than "never married" academic men. Other studies cited there also detail the asymmetry of domestic responsibilities and the greater frequency of female subordination of individual career goals to that of the husband's career notably in locating where he has the best opportunity, even if that is not where her best opportunities exist. In short, the effect of marriage on a woman is much more than a difference in labour force participation rates or continuity of employment. Comparing all men to never married women seems to be an incredible procedure however widespread when marriage has opposite effects on the quality of inputs into a career, freeing the man's time and absorbing the woman's. Surveys show men and women themselves saying this, and we know of no serious reason to doubt it.