منابع مشابه
Deriving obligatory movement in apparent parasitic gaps in Japanese
To account for this contrast, Takahashi (2006) argues that the empty category inside the island is an elided position, which obtains its content by copying the real trace. When there is no whmovement, what is copied onto e is the wh-phrase itself, which does not lead to the intended bound reading. On the other hand, Abe (2011) argues that the empty categories in (1a) are real parasitic gaps, li...
متن کاملIslands coordination and parasitic gaps
We present type logical grammar of left extraction with attention to islands coordination and parasitic gaps We consider implementation in proof nets The account suggests a measure of the semigrammaticality of island violations Data Coordination might be thought a test for constituency but it is possible to coordinate elements which are non constituents on most any theory Consider for example R...
متن کاملRightward Movement and Ellipsis in the Syntax of Spanish
It has been argued that a variety of ellipsis constructions in Spanish show properties of rightward movement, e.g., Wh-Stripping (ellipsis with a wh-remnant other than why followed by a non-wh-remnant, [1]), (1a), Multiple Sluicing (Sluicing with multiple remnants, [2] following [3]), (1b), and Gapping (an ellipsis construction where a verb goes missing in the second conjunct of a coordinate st...
متن کاملDP-Internal NP Movement
In this paper I show that there are clause-like NP-movements within the DP. There have been various proposals for N-movement within the DP (Bernstein 1993, Longobardi 1994 etc.) but none concerning NP-movement. I show that in Bangla (Bengali) at least two types of DP-internal NP movements take place, both of which are due to specificity. The analysis offered, in terms of a difference between nP...
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ژورنال
عنوان ژورنال: International Journal of Humanities and Social Science
سال: 2018
ISSN: 2220-8488,2221-0989
DOI: 10.30845/ijhss.v8n8p2