Neg-raising as a scaleless implicature

نویسندگان

چکیده

I give a new account of neg-raising with belief predicates as scaleless implicatures, inferences that are predicted by grammatical theories scalar when quantifier projects subdomain alternatives but no alternative. argue the inference should be treated an implicature because parallels observed in its distribution and other known cases implicatures (namely typical free choice effects, reported implicatures). Furthermore, is preferred over previously proposed analysis Romoli (2013) implicature, has to make ad hoc assumption 'think' excluded middle alternative, while this account, lack alternative absence lexicon English, presence for quantifiers been assumed variety work.

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ژورنال

عنوان ژورنال: Semantics and Linguistic Theory

سال: 2022

ISSN: ['2163-5943', '2163-5951']

DOI: https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v1i0.5367