Greek polydefinites revisited

Abstract This article focuses on the interpretation of adjectives that appear in Greek polydefinite DP s. It provides empirical support to established position restrictive modifiers are preferred environments (Kolliakou 1995). At same time, it shows non-restrictively modified polydefinites not excluded by grammar (Manolessou 2000). To reconcile facts, a novel syntactic analysis polydefiniteness as involving modification either or non-restrictive reduced relative clauses is formulated. We extend Alexopoulou’s (2006) resumption full relatives and defend what looks like preadjectival definite resumptive clitic pronoun values unvalued definiteness feature null complementizer. further that, while prenominal interpreted d-linked, dependent expression referentially bound anaphora.