Functional Heads and Eventive Nominals: The Basque Perspective

The aim of this paper is twofold: to establish the structure deverbal nominals in -nie and -cie which lack argument function as Simple Event Result nominals, specify factors conditioning their emergence. proposed analysis framed Borer’s exo-skeletal model supplemented by elements nanosyntactic approach. Polish data are puzzling since R-nominals -nie/-cie show morphological evidence verbalising layer guise a theme element alongside aspectual marking. account includes projection inner aspect argues that licensing internal not related presence morphology or projection, case can be multi-layered.. For an R-nominal emerge, must contain viewpoint responsible for full argumental complex. VP accounts ambiguity between simple event concrete reading. A stem-based will arise if there no root-based R-nominal, e.g. (s)kaleczyć ‘hurt’ —*(s)kalecz—skaleczenie ‘wound’ vs. (po)dzielić ‘divide’—podział ‘division’. Only possible where overt verbaliser with root merged nominal adjectival functor blocks formation łysy ‘bald’—(wy)łysieć ‘go bald’—wyłysienie ‘a bald patch’—*(wy)łys.