Caribbeanist Anthropology and Minerva's Owl: Lessons Forgotten, Lessons Learned

This essay presents a sketch of what critical genealogy the anthropology Caribbean might involve. After looking at origins anthropological interest in region, I will focus on two case studies that, for better or worse, may be said to have had lasting diagnostic value key epistemological orientations Caribbeanist anthropology. do so by examining M. G. Smith's Plural Society model and Julian Stewart's Puerto Rico Project their Cold War contexts point out why these truly pathbreaking endeavors resulted vision Caribbeanness that we well want rethink. [M. Smith, Steward, beyond peasant plantation studies] En vez de examinar el estado del arte la antropología caribeña contemporánea, este ensayo presenta un esbozo lo que una genealogía crítica región podría implicar. Después analizar los orígenes interés antropológico en región, me enfocaré dos estudios clásicos que, para bien o mal, han tenido valor diagnóstico duradero las orientaciones epistemológicas clave caribeña. Lo hago examinando al modelo sociedad plural Smith y Proyecto Stewart sus contextos Guerra Fría señalar por qué estos esfuerzos verdaderamente innovadores resultaron visión caribeño podríamos querer repensar. Más allá campesinos plantaciones] is personal reflection Caribbean, therefore based my own involvement with intellectual otherwise. Writing such an not easy task, just because necessarily situated perspective—or, indeed, approach scholarship, past present—may sit reader. The occasion this anniversary issue demands simply present research matters particular place Caribbean. In case, would La Habana's municipality Regla, where done most ethnographic since 1993, Cuban exclave Miami, did first field work beginning 1985. could so, course, claim Regla Miami as placeholders some notion Caribbeanness. fact, anthropologists when extrapolating from (necessarily) “insular” experience. think it fair say even ambitious attempts generalize across region terms take off certain historical commonalities seem render speaking about “regional unit” meaningful were local experience and—I should add—localizable concerns.1 What comes mind here, example, are ([1955] 1965), Sidney Mintz's (1966, 1968, 1974), Gordon K. Lewis's (1968), David Lowenthal's (1972) early influential analyses factors made possible extremely heterogeneous geoformation (much Cuba is, geologically, part Yucatan) salient unit human—or lastingly inhuman (McKittrick 2013; Palmié 2002)—geography. Mintz (1966) put important still eminently readable essay, represents “socio-cultural region”—rather than, say, nutritional one, Clark Wissler (1917) argued he lumped together Amazon due predominance manioc cultivation, subregion “Plantation America” reaches Georgia down Southeastern Brazil, Charles Wagley (1960) defined basis form export-oriented agro-industrial production become predominant eastern littoral tropical subtropical Americas post-Columbian era. True. But without seeking detract careful delineation political-economic sociohistorical definition plausible, ask ourselves: “regions” world possibly escape “sociocultural ones”? Immanuel Wallerstein (1991) once brought question into poignant asking “Does India exist?” He then answered conditional sense: right now, yes, perhaps does exist. only under description (say, imagined United Nations, Narendra Modi's BJP, Pakistan, British Commonwealth, villagers Uttar Pradesh). was there “India” 300 years ago, tomorrow, today Kashmir? more complicated matter, sure. Since turn 21st century, debacles Greece's fiscal sovereignty, Brexit, war Ukraine, COVID-19 pandemic exemplified stake fundamental historicity geopolitical constellations foreign policy experts tend treat like natural, timeless (or, least, reasonably stable) givens: assumed treated unproblematic entities “business usual”—until, empires break up, iron curtains fall, Third World scheme turns ludicrous (Where Second now? Where go?), other events conspire shake up routinized common sense conceptions when—and saying so. Let us forget call began its career Western thought “Antilles”—that islands offshore Chinese mainland ruled Khan. Caribbean's existence unthinkable Columbus who accidentally found—rather than discovered—it. As consequence, “Americas” themselves, Mexican philosopher Edmundo O'Gorman (1961) it—the contemporary chorological realities archipelago adjacent regions (and “the idea it,” Mignolo [2009] say) inventions centuries making. late 1650, thus lump Spanish Jamaica Canary Islands Portuguese São Tomé, Barbados which, different former islands, begun embark violent slave-labor development. series critiques historiography slavery, (1961, 1977) called “systadial” (rather synchronic) comparisons elucidating formation birthplace racial capitalism through uneven protracted incorporation Philip Curtin (1969) South Atlantic System.2 contrast, twentieth taken shape: sugar-based colonial mostly given way precarious postcolonial sovereignty (Bonilla 2015) but sizable literature emerged identified places New York, Toronto, London, Amsterdam outposts now presupposed region. Jean Bertrand Aristide's explicit Haiti's 10th Department (i.e., Haitian diaspora States, Canada, elsewhere) during his original Lavalas campaign 1990 clear, then, no island anymore—at least necessarily. briefly return below. For let note unincorporated Territory Martinique, Guadeloupe, French Guyane Departments d'Outre Mer metropolitan France, parcel continentally far-off economically politically vital EU. end preliminary remarks creation/invention geohistorical resort conceit served last book (Palmié 2013): American academics do, know how locate Caribbean—namely, between Library Congress (LOC) numbers F1601 F2191 shelves university libraries. sound facetious. points issue. Apart anything else, much all socially entities, foremost discursive product—and project (Fernández Retamar 1974; 2009; 1961; Trouillot 1983). make mistake, here: following Alasdair McIntyre (1981) tradition: long conversation participants which whether they native foreign, scholars, activists, both) need agree else ethical moral worth—and motive—of keeping going. Whatever are—ethnographic objects [and fall rubric, too, think] behave curious ways. . Places problems change merely fact—which, inevitably do. They also come them less historically changing epistemic vantage points. One can imagine generational cohorts ethnographers marching same geographically thematically terrain, seeing things—not substantial changes factually occurred, questions. figures inscribe fleeting observations (organized according theoretical conceptions) subject history empirical grounds our efforts forth. 2013, 8) That said, follows, am neither going survey state art nor proper endeavors. qualified attempt former. collective effort, one editors special issue, hope approximation emerge joint able offer few useful regard latter: remains very desideratum—a modest, situated, contribution anonymous readers JLACA archive More specifically, intend argue this. First, institutionalized regional specialization, signs global decolonization, initially solidified around set issues modes life emerging has been “plantation-peasantry interface.” Second, irony discover social forms generated “modernity” characterized centuries, political economic transformations rapidly eroded viability both peasantry. Third, mention number recent Don Robotham (2018) “post-plantation Caribbean,” indicating directions take. close skepticism analytical fads casting glance strange uptake concepts experienced decades 20th nonregionalists suddenly appeared somehow (just exactly bothered ask) prefigured supposedly postmodern condition globalized, transnational, hybridized worlds. beginnings scholarly engagement Ethnographic theorizing indigenous intellectuals Trinidadians J. Thomas (1841–89), C. L. R. James (1901–89), Eric Williams (1911–81), Tobagonian D. Elder (1914–2003), Haitians Antenor Firmin (1850–1911) Price-Mars (1876–1969), Cubans Ramiro Sánchez (1880–1970) Fernando Ortiz (1881–1969), Martinican Aimé Césaire (1913–2008) did, before professionally trained (Anglophones, part) took serious either remained confined exigencies insular national cultural projects geared toward elucidation region's pivotal role making capitalist modernity. Thomas, Firmin, Price-Mars, Elder, younger agonized over ideologically defend nations’ (or “nations-to-be”) inescapable “newness,” ethnic heterogeneity, African heritage (both biologically culturally) against authochtonist nationalist doctrines scientific racisms emanating Europe States. Guerra, Williams, James, Césaire, later sought insert—or really rather reinsert—the belongs: “modern” system. A largely focuses extent always seemingly sleepy, unimportant, if positively vexatious (from view) appendages period high imperialism. Rather, initial fulcrum modern active Martha Beckwith (1871–1959), Elsie Clews Parsons (1875–1941), Melville Herskovits (1895–1963), Zora Neale Hurston (1891–1960) certainly picked strand concerns—the seeming anomaly societies’ heterogeneity. completely ignored latter—their historicity, Michel-Rolph (1992) it. Different precursors struggled define—and defend—a sui generis identity racially culturally nations (still colonized already independent), unfair particularly Herskovits's establishing metric transcontinental Africanity remarkably unconcerned specifics (as “Afro-America”) politics fields students harvested crop Africanisms. Right wrong, Herskovits-bashing well-established genre Americanist now. So fact his—in many ways pathbreaking—1937 monograph Life Valley reserved occupation (at tail-end conducted research) until pages book. And potentially interesting Haiti past) made—the concept “socialized ambivalence”—turns out, upon closer inspection, inspired elite interlocutors straining avert falling trance presence scientist patron. matter deserves attention give here.3 socialized ambivalence involved incident, decidedly part.4 second phase professional On hand, traced aftermath Moyne Simey reports (1945, 1946) allegedly occasioned West Indian family mating patterns judged aberrant standards massive labor unrest 1930s Steward's selection U.S. neocolony location community ethnographies farmed order grasp integration “complex societies” called, then; Which societies “complex”?). Perhaps surprisingly, instance, someone steeped tradition Africanist structural functionalism soon prominent theorist characteristics problems. London-educated Jamaican impeccable northern-Nigerian-based credentials delivering science strong bent. “A Framework Studies” published three after heady days 1950s, manifesto ways, Scott (2013a) pointed out. crystal clear “visiting experts” diagnose Trinidad's Andrew Carr (1953), descendants liberated Africans outskirts Port Spain, sociologist Pearse (1955), issued study preservation folk traditions (interestingly, Swedish Dutch journal), scholar imperial educational lacked. writes, “understood himself committed liberal anthropologist undertake challenge framing Studies nation-in-waiting” (2013a, 3). distinctly dyspeptic notions emphatically predicting failure Federation, remaining highly skeptical any viably democratic perceived “plural” nature societies. “plural society” nowadays belong annals forgotten theory. rehearse here length, extrapolations S. Furnivall's formulations concerning East Indies painted grim picture: socio-ethnic sectors grown plantations colonialism deeply divided. All held market sheer force exerted colonizer. Obviously, insertion model—deeply possibility nationhood—into sociology Anglophone questioned start. To knowledge, Hispanophone, Francophone, ever seems followed road. Instead, society theory came attack almost formulated it, another Smith—Raymond T. Smith: RAF pilot, Cambridge student Meyer Fortes, ex-colleague mine—who formidable opponent anthropology's major debate focused Herskovistian searches origins. Again, delving T.’s objections, serve G.’s “value integration” must seen backdrop structural-functionalist rooted relation kind Parsonian consensus (see Austin 1983 sophisticated dissection Smiths). use Trouillot's (1990) phrases, while sorrowfully emphasized “oddness” spurious modernist assumption sociocultural homogeneity viable polities, “ordinariness” consensus” Brackette show, represented little expression (more less) effective ideological hegemony. further Smith. Not literally presage demise main architects, ultimately sole author 1960 Rastafari Report, commissioned so-called Claudius Henry affair, raid Rasta camp yielded cache weapons draft letter addressed Fidel Castro (Bogues 2002; Chevannes 1976). longest time, “report”—put course fortnight!—has authoritative source movement. document, foremost—both piece historical, alone ethnographic, evidence.5 Keeping mind, ask: Was arguing—only year final break-up Federation—that Creole culture Indians share division”? add prompt: Discuss! This, Deborah her Modern Blackness (2004), she makes stakes overdetermined (1980) earlier criticized projecting concerns mid–20th-century “brown” middle class onto future!) postindependence society. twenty retrospect, saw hand broader light. entire formed integral component specific aiming define conditions nation states prescribe—rather represent—the kinds “traditions,” “norms,” “values,” “cultural heritages” allegiance supposed based. “models of” slid for,” constructions practices generating identification locked feedback loops get-go. became evident perpetuation long-standing hierarchies linked wealth, education, capacity “respectability” gender-specific fashion bound complex system racializing referents. While look proof Peter Wilson's immensely respectability/reputation model6 (succinctly critiqued Besson [1993] androcentrism), say: twice. Ironically, entrenched spite elites actively enshrined “folk cultures” emblematic models “creole nationhood” simultaneously continued marginalize producers forms. difference times, imaginary longer name “civilizational uplift” “Christian reform,” “modernization” “development.” extrapolate face-to-face “respectable state” mobilizing implicitly “Black,” “lower class” suits purposes—whether populism UNESCO accreditation—while unleashing rhetoric crises cyclical whenever novel counterhegemonic appear threaten smooth absorption culture” Gramscian transformist Examples hard by, range postrevolutionary musealize Afro-Cuban religion elevate “Rap Cubano” opposed Rican Reggaeton) Duvalier père’s mobilization vodou temple networks state-security ends, domestication post-Marley “slackness” dancehall culture), “creolité” movement's championing hyperbasilectal registers virtually speaks counteract creeping francophonie Euro-ization inimical “authentic” identification. second, contemporaneous moment discovery region—this time auspices Columbia University peripheral “national “levels integration.” context Project. If expulsion left wing People's National Party 1954 developed pluralistic “Framework,” Steward 1948 coincided election Luis Muñoz Marín onset Manos obra, a.k.a. Operation Bootstrap, designed definitively jolt backward but—at time—politically volatile dependency industrial modernization attracting capital tax incentives low costs. It Senate passed Law 53, known ley mordaza, outlawing utterances US government favor independence, forbid display flag, within people's homes. Though members witnessed week-long strike December 1948, nationalista insurrections October 1950 violently crushed, safely back home York—where joined rising tide 300,000 Ricans opted 1950s alone. hindsight, several themselves—sometimes repeatedly 2001). slighting achievement People (PPR) represents, dated print 1956—and “old-fashioned.” holistically society, directing orientation discipline away prior emphasis human vanishing “aboriginalty.”7 Of “primitive contemporaries” North concern: British-trained descending doubts domestic groups studied “workshops reproduction” (Fortes 1958) steering independence. precisely point: Would “workshops” citizens nations-to-be? We remember yet happened granted societies; legitimacy venturing primitive identified. Peasant barely smattering village ethnographies; 1950s. Urban studies, top-down ethnography, approaches far future. Modernization theory, critiques, decade more; entry (Silverman 2011, 185–86) Her catalogue longer, suffices bring innovative problematic transfer ecology” presumptively relatively aboriginal small scale (the Shoshoni, case), million inhabitants looked 400 colonization closely articulated. importantly, sense, Silverman's list “not yets” serves underscore tremendous advance students’ (then intuitive) materialism discipline's self-assigned tasks repertoire. noted (Mintz 1978, 2001, 2011; Roseberry 1978; Vincent 1990; Wolf 1978), PPR actually rolled facto separate analytically introductions. Chances that—as surmised (2001)—Steward never read introduction authored staff.” future discipline. 1980 gone. Aguirre [i.e., States Central Corporation] government, though Jauqueños longer. Agriculture dominated land life. Cane replaced foreign-run cultivation fruits vegetables export. Many people work; survived food stamps slight support distant capitals. Yet minority Jauca doing well. worked health, factories, government. (Ferguson 240) others staff noted, shortcomings account neocolonial relationship soon-to-be Commonwealth interests. True enough, don't belab