Treating ellipsis : two abstract categorial grammar perspectives The treatment of ellipsis in models of the syntax-semantics interface is troublesome as the linguistic material removed in the phonologic interpretation is still necessary in the semantics. Examples are particular cases of coordination, especially the ones involving verbal phrase ellipsis or subject elision. We show a way to use a...

We compare the phenomena of clausal coordinate ellipsis in Estonian, a Finno-Ugric language, and German, an Indo-European language. The rules underlying these phenomena appear to be remarkably similar. Thus, the software module ELLEIPO, which was originally developed to generate clausal coordinate ellipsis in German and Dutch, works for Estonian as well. In order to extend ELLEIPO’s coverage to...

In a self-paced reading experiment, we investigated the processing of sluicing constructions ("sluices") whose antecedent contained a known garden-path structure in German. Results showed decreased processing times for sluices with garden-path antecedents as well as a disadvantage for antecedents with non-canonical word order downstream from the ellipsis site. A post-hoc analysis showed the gar...

The Constraint Language for Lambda Structures (CLLS) is an expressive tree description language. It provides a uniform framework for underspecified semantics, covering scope, ellipsis, and anaphora. Efficient algorithms exist for the sublanguage that models scope. But so far no terminating algorithm exists for sublanguages that model ellipsis. We introduce well-nested parallelism constraints an...

This paper reports on an empirically based system that automatically resolves VP ellipsis in the 644 examples identified in the parsed Penn Treebank. The results reported here represent the first systematic corpus-based study of VP ellipsis resolution, and the performance of the system is comparable to the best existing systems for pronoun resolution. The methodology and utilities described can...

We discuss a treatment of VP-ellipsis resolution in DRT in general, and particularly cases where the source clause of the elliptical VP contains pre-supposition triggers. We propose to restrain VP-ellipsis resolution by pre-supposition neutralization. We view presupposition as a kind of anaphora, with the ability to accommodate an antecedent if not provided by discourse.