Employee ownership has ideological cachet in all advanced industrialized democracies. For many observers, the principle of selfgovernance underlying political democracy extends to the economic sphere. All institutions essential to the basic structure of society must be consistent with the norms of moral equality and autonomy. Since corporations allocate income in a market society, and thereby d...

the last decade of the twentieth century saw the rise of a great number of regimes that cannot be easily classified as either authoritarian or democratic but display some characteristics of both—in short, they are semi-authoritarian regimes. They are ambiguous systems that combine rhetorical acceptance of liberal democracy, the existence of some formal democratic institutions, and respect for a...

social participation has a critical effect on quality of life in any society. in this paper, we try to evaluate eventual relationships between the structure of power in family and quality and quantity of social participation. the main objective is to measure the correlation between the type of socialization in the family of orientation (origin), and the type of social participation and its scop...

This paper develops the empirical and theoretical case that differences in economic institutions are the fundamental cause of differences in economic development. We first document the empirical importance of institutions by focusing on two “quasi-natural experiments” in history, the division of Korea into two parts with very different economic institutions and the colonization of much of the w...

Whilst existing civil society studies generally fail to systematically examine the way that contextual factors shape women’s representation in the civil sphere, political science has predominantly focused on legislative settings. This article responds to the resultant knowledge-gap by examining the hitherto underexplored role of civil society as a political space integral to the substantive rep...

Arrangements for sharing political power serve three purposes: to give all relevant groups access to important political decisions; to partition the policy process, thereby granting groups relevant autonomy; and to constrain holders of political power from abusing authority. A new global dataset of political power sharing institutions, 1975–2010, is introduced here, disaggregated these along th...