In the early summer of 2002, rumors began circulating on pro-life websites of a nationwide “sting” of reproductive health clinics. Conservative media attention swiftly focused on a report entitled “Child Predators: Exposing the Partnership Between Planned Parenthood, the National Abortion Federation and Men who Sexually Abuse Underage Girls.” The report claimed that clinics affiliated with Plan...

This study explores how social movement organisations involved in the abortion debate Republic of Ireland attempted to appeal men their campaign messages before 2018 referendum on Eighth Amendment concerning abortion. We scrape organisations’ Twitter accounts conduct quantitative and qualitative content analyses images videos posted, find evidence that sometimes extended frames as voters. Socia...

In recent years, the Democratic Party has been considerably more successful at electing women than the Republican Party. Research suggests that the Democratic advantage for women stems from a more inclusive party culture and party support for women-friendly policies. This paper considers whether the gender gap in representation between the parties may also be shaped by intersection of instituti...

An assertion that occurs in public debate with varying emphasis and at irregular intervals is that the Norwegian welfare state is a product of the policy of the Norwegian Social Democratic Party. Such an assertion has a certain relevance, but it must be considered in the light of the time-span within which one places the establishment and moulding of the welfare state. A perspective of 50 years...

Overcoming the COVID-19 pandemic requires motivating vast majority of Americans to get vaccinated. However, vaccination rates have become politically polarized, and a substantial proportion Republicans remained vaccine hesitant for months. Here, we explore how endorsements by party elites affect Republicans’ intentions attitudes. In preregistered survey experiment ( n = 1,480), varied whether s...

A study using 1800 "lost letters" was designed to test the hypothesis that returned responses would be greater in smaller rural communities (population M = 964) than in a city (population = 60,591) or the suburbs (population = 195,847) unless the addressee was affiliated with a pro-abortion group. Returns to control, Committee For Free Abortion, and Committee Against Free Abortion affiliates we...